tHe first premiered the new staging of “Macbeth” at Kiev’s venerable Frankie Theatre on February 28th, initially covered by a diplomatic disaster that unfolded on the same day between Volodimia Zelensky and Donald Trump of the White House. Since then, production has become the talk of the city’s elite. Director Ivan Uribsky says he has decided to curb the tragedy after feeling the change in the country’s mood since Trump’s election four months ago. He says he wanted to perform the comedy, “Midsummer Night’s Dream.” His viewers portray similarities between Shakespeare’s character and current events. For some, Macbeth is similar to the bloodthirsty dictator of Moscow. For others, they feel that stories of ambition, power and betrayal are coming closer to their home.
On Kyiv, Daggers are sharpened around Zelensky. The Ukrainian president has faced intense overseas pressure from Vladimir Putin, who questioned legitimacy without hints of irony, and Trump, who repeated Putin’s story. Both seem to be irritated by Zelensky’s stubbornness. They pushed him to hold elections during the war, believing unquestionably that Ukrainian voters would give them a favor to bore him. Two months ago, Zelensky was believed to have died for voting. But Trump’s dishonorable treatment in the first week of March appears to have strengthened his ratings and changed his calculations, as he was arrested in a poll commissioned by economists. Currently, serious preparations are underway for Zelensky to go twice and soon before the electors.
Read more about recent reports on the Ukrainian War
According to government sources, Zelensky called for a meeting last week to appoint his team after a full ceasefire that Americans believe can be imposed by late April (Easter Sunday, April 20th will have a certain resonance). One initial confirmation may take place until May 5th or May 5th. This is the deadline for parliamentary votes to extend martial law, which expires on May 8th. Cancellation of martial law is the first stage necessary to begin the election process. The sources vary on the exact timeline, but most people say Zelensky is aiming for summer. The earliest chance will be early July, as the law requires at least 60 days for the campaign. However, some sources say the campaign needs to last three months. This reportedly told Congress that election officials needed to restructure their voter list during the war.
Petro Poroshenko, the leader of the biggest opposition party and Zelensky’s sworn enemy, predicts that elections could come “any time from August to October.” He claims that the campaign was actually launched following the controversial decision by Zelensky to put him under sanctions in February. The move reportedly linked to his long-standing trial of alleged treason, but some believe Poroshenko was lit up by Hughes in early February, where he met some of Trump’s people. The former president says that Zelensky’s aide warned him not to go, but attributed this to their “schizophrenia… and paranoia.” The sanctions were intended to do two things, he continues: one man who ruled out his candidacy, warned Valerie Zarziny, the former top general of Ukraine, and had a good chance to defeat Mr Zelensky if he decides to run. Senior government sources personally say that Poroshenko “overestimates and underestimates his importance.” The former president does not represent any serious threats, but Zelensky’s dislike of poison towards Poroshenko accelerated his decision to sanction.
The official believes Zelensky will try to catch his rivals off guard in the July election. “This kind of turn will tear the country apart from the president.” In fact, a rushing vote risks exacerbating the already bitter relationship between the powerful and centralized presidential office and the rest of the Ukrainian political world.
Opposition leaders argue that quick voting is not possible and refers to a mass of logistical hurdles. Serhiy Vlasenko, a senior MP at the Batkivshchyna party, said it would be difficult enough to achieve a ceasefire on May 8th in time. Finding ways for millions of voters to vote overseas, in trench or in areas occupied by Russia would be “even more difficult.” One solution is to use the government’s well-acclaimed DIIA smartphone app. But that would raise transparency questions. The switch means changing the constitution, requiring a two-thirds majority in Parliament. That would be difficult given the opposition opposed the vote during the war. The reason is not just technical. They say fair elections require wartime propaganda and dismantling censorship first.
The two long shadows cast on the lives of President Putin and Trump, and Ukrainians, may still not want an easy election. Both probably demanded someone who believed it would lead to Mr. Zelensky’s exit. Given that the calculations have been reversed upside down, they may not be sitting quietly while he tracks his progress quickly to his second term. Putin holds many cards here. His drones and missiles can cancel martial law – vote alone – not possible. But many believe that even if Zelensky wins, the election will help destabilize Ukraine. Intelligence agents predict that internal instability will be a greater risk to Ukraine in 2025 than on the frontline battle. Election campaigns allow Russians to launch their influence campaign.
Whatever he is, the next president of Ukraine, things don’t become easier each time he is elected. Trump’s rushed diplomacy could lead to bad peace agreements and responsibilities. In time, some Ukrainians may seek a more severe, more militaristic government. For all his flaws, Zelensky relies heavily on general recognition to become a true dictator. Anyone who comes after him may be very careful. “Whether it’s Caligula or Macbeth, the abuse of power is a constant theme in history,” Uribsky says. The theatres allow people to “see themselves with some of the terrible characters. And we, as Ukrainians, may avoid repeating their mistakes.”■
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