Are Palestinian groups in Lebanon trying to give up their weapons? |Israel attacks Lebanon News

Beirut, Lebanon – For decades, Palestinian groups in Lebanon have been carrying out their own problems. In refugee camps founded for Palestinians displaced by Israel in 1948 and 1967, Palestinian factions oversee security, with many holding arms.

However, it appears to be coming to an end at the time. Instead, the Lebanese state is struggling to reorganize from the war with Israel and use its power over the country, so it is trying to capitalize on the period of Hezbollah’s weakness in Iran-backed groups.

Lebanon’s new government was established in February and led by former International Court of Justice judge Nawaf Salam – supports regional and international authority to disarm all non-state actors. This includes many Palestinian groups since the 1969 agreement that have enabled them to have autonomy in 12 official camps of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon.

And on Wednesday, Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas gave his blessings by visiting Lebanon. A joint statement from Abbas and Lebanese President Joseph Aung declared that both sides agreed that “arms outside the Lebanese state’s control have ended.”

“Abu Mazen [Abbas] Mustafa Abu Herb, the official of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), the largest political figure, Fatah, told Al Jazeera.

Are you riding Hamas?

On his first trip to Lebanon since 2017, Abbas met Prime Minister Salam and Parliament Speaker Nabi Beli to discuss the challenging prospects of disarming Lebanon’s Palestinian facts and improving the rights and conditions of an estimated 270,000 Palestinians in the country.

Palestinians in Lebanese have no legal right to work in many occupations, do not own property or business, and do not have access to employment in public services or the use of public services such as health care and social security.

“We reaffirm our previous position that the presence of weapons in camps outside the state framework would weaken Lebanon and harm the Palestinian cause,” Abbas said in a meeting with Aoun, according to Palestinian press agency WAFA.

But questions remain as to whether the divisive Abbas, who has not faced elections since 2005, has the power to disarm different Palestinian groups.

Lebanese Hamas official Ali Balake told AFP news agency on Wednesday that he hoped that the meeting between Abbas and Aoun would go further than merely disarmament of Palestinian groups.

“We assert our respect for Lebanon’s sovereignty, security and stability, and at the same time we request the provision of private and human rights to the Palestinians in Lebanon,” Balake said.

Along with Hezbollah, Hamas is considered part of a network of “axis of resistance” over Iran, and has already cooperated with the Lebanese state at least once since its ceasefire with Israel. In May, Palestinian groups handed over fighters suspected of launching rockets in Israel, according to the Lebanese army, calling them “individual acts.”

The group also said it is willing to respect the ceasefire and cooperate with the Lebanese state.

“Not our president.”

During his two-year rule, Abbas’ popularity among the Palestinians in Lebanese was sharply eroded.

That lack of support can be seen in Palestinian camps in Lebanon. In Lebanon, posters of Abbas’ predecessor, Yasser Arafat, and Hamas spokesman Abu Obida, can be seen much more than those of the PA leader.

“No Palestinians except Fatah claim he is our president,” said Shatila, the community leader at Beirut’s largest Palestinian refugee camp. “This President doesn’t respect us and does not represent us because he supports the occupation and adopts the occupation decision.”

Aside from Abbas’ unpopularity, other factors could lead to opposition to attempts to disarm Lebanese Palestinian groups.

“If Palestinians give it… it could be interpreted as a victory for the Israelis,” said Nicholas Branford, a senior non-resident fellow at the Atlantic Council, a US-based think tank. [their weapons] above”.

Branford also pointed out that defenders of the ongoing presence of armed Palestinian groups in Lebanon pointed to events such as the Sablah and Shatira genocide when 2,000-3,500 Palestinian refugees and Lebanese civilians killed in two days by Israeli-backed right-wing Christian nationalists in 1982.

But Branford believes the consensus is at least heading towards disarmament of heavy weapons from Lebanon’s Palestinian facts, and some Palestinians are welcoming the move.

“We certainly welcome as Palestinians [the initiative] Because things have changed,” Majitub said.

Majzoub said the bad faith actors have exploited the lack of authority by the Lebanese state over the Palestinian camp to avoid being held accountable for crimes.

Lebanese troops rarely enter Palestinian refugee camps.

In 2007, the Army surrounded the Naar Albead Camp in North Lebanon and clashed with the camp-based Fataha Al Islamic Group. Hundreds died in the battle, leaving the large camp strips unemployed.

The Lebanese army is also infiltrating the camp to arrest individuals.

Security situations can sometimes be tense at camps, like in other parts of Lebanon.

On Monday, local media reported that an armed conflict between rival drug dealers at Beirut’s Shatira camp forced residents to flee.

Among the worst cases in the past few years was a massive battle that erupted among armed groups at Ain El Hilwe Camp in southern Lebanon in the summer of 2023 after an attempt to assassinate a Fatah official. More than 20 people were killed in the battle before a ceasefire was negotiated.

Carrying weapons in camp was once considered a right to resistance. But after more than 70 years of evacuation and anxiety, some Palestinians in Lebanon feel that carrying arms is weakening the struggle for liberation today.

“Palestinian weapons are a threat to the Palestinian Revolution,” Majitub said. “It’s better now to live under the protection of the Lebanese state.”