Protesters gathered outside Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s residence on Sunday night as the Israeli government agreed between it and Palestinian group Hamas, slowing the progress of the agreement to the second stage.
Yes, they were angry at his decision to unilaterally extend Phase 1 of the transaction and were unhappy with the delay in fully implementing the contract brokered in January.
However, their banners and slogans did not mention the suffering of Palestinian civilians in Gaza after Israel blocked entry into humanitarian enclaves on Sunday.
Instead, the focus was on Israeli prisoners left in Gaza, just as Netanyahu limped and focused on finding ways to avoid the end of the war.
The actions of the Israeli government on Sunday appeared to point towards the end of the ceasefire and the resumption of all-out war with Gaza, even if prisoners remained there.
Phase 1 of the ceasefire expired on Saturday, but the agreement provided that phase 2 negotiations would continue while the conditions for the ceasefire, including the flow of humanitarian assistance to Gaza, continued.
However, Israel announced on Sunday that half and the other half of the prisoners of war, which were released shortly after an agreement on a permanent ceasefire, essentially abandoned the original ceasefire deal, referring to the US Middle Eastern Emboss Steve Witkov.
To revive the Gaza blockade, Israel used trading opportunities that the US had not confirmed Witkov’s own existence, sending grocery prices there.
The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) warned that the aid lockdown had “devastating consequences” for children and families in Gaza, which was hit by the 16-month war.
Collective punishment is prohibited under the Geneva Convention, Professor Jerry Simpson of the London School of Economics told Al Jazeera regardless of who is enforcing it.
“The fact that it is expressed as a form of punishment suggests a particular disregard for the laws of war, but it does not ignore the invalidity or unimportantness of these laws,” he said.
In addition to halting aid, the Israeli government is also pondering the approval of a bill that will allow 400,000 reserve soldiers to be called in anticipation of a new conflict in Gaza.
The attack on Israel on October 7, 2023 led to the invocation of 300,000 reserves, the largest mobilised in Israel’s history at the time.
Angry family
While Israeli public outrage over Netanyahu over the current breakdown in negotiations has not yet spread, Aron Pinas, former Israeli ambassador and consul general in New York, said, “If he continues, he says, “If he continues, it’s likely that he will grow to the point where it becomes clear that he is.” [Netanyahu] We are looking for an excuse to break the ceasefire and blame the hostages to die.”
The fate of around 251 prisoners gaining prisoners during the attack on October 7th represents a sloop line of Israel’s public criticism of the prime minister.
However, recent weeks, when images of prisoners of war have dominated the media, have elevated the voices of families that are often critical of Netanyahu.
Protesters outside Netanyahu’s residence on Sunday night, led by prisoners of war, revealed that the prime minister felt it was due to a deadlock in completing the ceasefire agreement.
At a press conference held by many prisoners of war, Richey Milan Ravi, whose husband, Omri Milan, is still in Gaza, rejected allegations by some members of Israeli cabinet, including Netanyahu.
“We know that Netanyahu doesn’t monopolize the story right now,” said Oli Goldberg, a political analyst in Israel, “In this delay, there is a risk that they will be able to find themselves under an increase in fires from hostage families.
Goldberg suggested that this could limit the duration of the current impasse that can continue, among other factors directly linked to Netanyahu’s political survival.
Abuse
Scepticism about Netanyahu’s commitment to the ceasefire contract is nothing new. Since its establishment, the Prime Minister has indicated his willingness to break the agreement to appease critics, and at the same time used the existence of a ceasefire to reassure the prisoners of war and their supporters.
In January, Netanyahu resigned from his post on the prospect of reaching a ceasefire agreement with Hamas, he agreed to his intention to negotiate with Hardline Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and not to join far-right national security minister Itamall Ben Gwil.
As part of his contract with Smotrich, Netanyahu reported to the Finance Minister that the ceasefire was temporary and that the military operation in Gaza was intended to dismantle Hamas’ troops and dismantle their capabilities after the “temporary” ceasefire was over.
Negotiations on a permanent ceasefire were to be included in the second phase.
“People don’t really trust Netanyahu,” analyst Nimrod Flasherberg said from Tel Aviv. “Many people suspected that a ceasefire would be held from the start, but they really don’t know what will happen next, a lot of that depends on. [US President Donald] Trump administration. ”
For many observers, everything was everything, from delays in progress to the second stage of the ceasefire to the ambiguity that suggested that the halt was typical of a prime minister who had benefited from embracing chaos among critics for years.
“This is what he’s doing,” Goldberg said. “That’s what everyone in Israel expects from him. Political, there’s no reason for that. He has no political rivals. He has settlers. [his] side. That’s exactly what he does. ”
“For Netanyahu, these Byzantine schemes are essential to keeping Israeli national ships on course,” he said.
“The public criticism of Netanyahu is that he’s doing it badly because he withholds aid or blocks negotiations. He’s selling it wrong,” Goldberg said. “They feel they can cut back on aid to Gaza and applaud them by doing so if someone else is in charge.”
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