eThree things are clear as the count continues in German elections. First, the conservative opposition Christian Democrats (CDU) together with Bavarian sister party, Christian Social Union (CSU), won an overwhelming victory in less than 30% of the vote. It paves the way for their candidate, Friedrich Merz (pictured) to take over Olaf Scholz as prime minister after the coalition speaks. Second, Germany (AFD)’s stiff right alternative has skyrocketed to the highest ever score, resulting in nearly doubled seating on the Vandetag. The party appears to be working very well in its eastern base. Party co-leader Alice Weidel welcomed “historic success.” The third is extraordinary voter turnout. Approximately 84% of eligible Germans voted, the highest number since unification 35 years ago.
Beyond that, it was a mess. Merz wants to form a coalition with Scholtz’s Social Democrats (SPD). However, under German election rules, whether the main central left and central right parties can form what was known as the “Grand” coalition will be in the new “left conservative” Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW). It’s completely dependent. You win 5% of the votes. The predicted count causes the party to face a threshold. If there is a shortage of BSW, the CDU/CSU and SPD will have a majority, albeit thin. If BSW accomplishes it, the two bigger parties will have to team up with Green to win a majority. The ideologically troubling three-party government was exactly what Merz wanted to avoid, who wanted to act decisively to restore faith in German voters’ politics.
Building a coalition with just SPD is not at all easy either. After German standards were rough campaigns, many fear that it will be difficult to build the necessary trust and find the compromises that German Union trade requires. One SPD MP recently described her as “sighing like nausea” due to the epic coalition outlook. Merz did not help his case by suggesting that Eve voted for “green and left wing idiots” and did not own a full marble merchandises. The bigger challenge is his willingness to compromise his proposal to manage irregular immigration to Germany. Merz said his demand for permanent control at the German border and his rejection of asylum seekers is unnegotiable. But both SPD and Green say they are violating domestic and European laws.
Rulers should also find an agreement on loosening the brakes of Germany’s constitutional debt. This makes it impossible for the federal government to operate beyond a small deficit. Germany’s investment needs reach the hundreds of billions, covering everything from repairing crumbling public infrastructure to increasing defence spending. If the special fund is gone, starting 2028, we will need to find at least 300 billion euros ($31 billion) a year, starting at 2028, just to achieve our NATO (increasingly insufficient) target of NATO (increasingly insufficient) target. The budget cuts proposed by Meltz cannot hope to meet these needs. That’s why he has shown openness to ease the brakes on debt.
However, constitutional changes require a two-thirds majority of Parliament. BSW, which opposes Germany’s support for Ukraine, dislikes the brakes on debt, but does not easily support loosening it to promote defence spending. In any case, to amend the rules, rulers enjoy an extraordinary last-minute surge, especially among younger voters, and Die Linke, an extraordinary left party to win around 9% of the vote. I need support from. As another “Propiece” party, its support will certainly have a higher price if it continues to appear. It could oppose a hard-line lawmaker in the ranks of Merz, who hates the left and is skeptical of lifting the debt brake in the first place.
As this suggests, whatever the end result is, it is not a consequence that pleases those who desperately wanted political clarity in the country that has been missing it for a long time. Neither party wants to govern can be satisfied. CDU/CSU victory is primarily a function of government unpopularity. He once wanted to exceed 35% of the vote, but ultimately got a second result. It may revive old doubts within the party over Merz, who confused many Germans by accepting AFD votes to drive anti-immigration moves through last month’s Bandetag. His personal rating is low.
Meanwhile, the miserable performance of SPD stimulates periods of isolated soul quest and clear periods of personnel. (Party co-leader Lars Klingbale is a number to look at now. He will now lead the party’s parliamentary group.) “It’s a bitter outcome and it hurts,” says Alexander Schweitzer. told economists about the state of Rhineland paratinate. The only party to celebrate tonight is two fringe outfits that you wouldn’t want to enter the government, AFD and Die Linke.
Typically, such results stimulate unabolic gaze among major German political parties before settling in coalition consultations. But this time it’s different. Donald Trump overturned diplomacy around Ukraine and forced Europe to a nest of panic activity. A minute after the closure of the polls in Germany’s Antonio Costa, president of the Council of Europe, called for a special EU summit on March 6 to discuss security in Ukraine and Europe. Scholtz will be present at the meeting until the German Prime Minister is elected on behalf of the MC. However, he needs to consult closely with the man who will replace him.
On his part, Merz appears to understand that structural changes in geopolitics under Trump will not give him the luxury of time. Speaking shortly after his victory, he meditated on the possibility of an “independent European defensive ability” to replace NATO, saying, “It is an absolute priority to strengthen Europe as soon as possible, and from the US “We will achieve independence of the company.” Before the election, he had raised the prospects for nuclear cooperation with France or the UK to replace the American umbrella. Informal consultations with the French have already been held. These are extraordinary statements from men who have been ingrained in CDU’s transatlanticism. But these are extraordinary times. ■
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